Ministry of Justice Under Scrutiny: Corruption Network or Judicial Reform?

Introduction: Corruption as a Systemic Threat

Ukraine continues its fight against corruption at the highest levels of government. Despite the ongoing war and President Volodymyr Zelensky’s efforts to clean up the system, the State Enforcement Service (SES) of the Ministry of Justice remains one of the most corruption-prone institutions. Numerous investigations and Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) raids in 2021–2023 have exposed extensive bribery schemes, manipulation of court decisions, and the sale of enforcement actions.

However, the masterminds behind these schemes, according to journalists and Telegram investigations, remain in office—Deputy Minister of Justice for Enforcement Services Andriy Haichenko and his long-time associate Maksym Kyselyov. Recent personnel reshuffles have further strengthened their grip, not only over the SES but also over forensic expert institutions, which play a crucial role in investigating wartime crimes.

Are these moves part of a judicial reform, or is it another attempt to consolidate power over the country’s legal system for personal gain?

State Enforcement Service: A Factory of Bribes?

The State Enforcement Service (SES), led by Maksym Kyselyov since 2019 (as director of the department at the Ministry of Justice), has been at the center of major anti-corruption scandals:

• SBU has repeatedly caught SES officers red-handed—in Mykolaiv, Kyiv, Kharkiv, and other cities, state enforcement officers were found accepting bribes for lifting property seizures or ensuring "correct" auction outcomes.
• The masterminds remain untouched. Investigations suggest that local officers must share their bribes with superiors; otherwise, they face dismissal or criminal charges.
• A system of mutual cover-ups within the Ministry of Justice allegedly ensures that these schemes continue while reforms are either sabotaged or used to redistribute financial flows in favor of a new "protectorate."

Experts claim that while low-level officers are arrested by law enforcement, Haichenko and Kyselyov continue to control illicit financial streams and expand their influence in the Ministry of Justice.

Purges and Pressure on Forensic Experts

Another major area of concern is Haichenko’s alleged campaign to take control of forensic institutions across Ukraine.

• Leadership overhauls: In the past two years, directors and senior officials at forensic research institutions in Odesa, Dnipro, and Kharkiv have been replaced.
• Death of Kyiv forensic branch head: Vladyslav Fedorenko, a key forensic expert, died of a heart attack at his workplace. Colleagues and family claim he faced severe pressure and threats from Ministry of Justice officials.
• Alleged cover-up: His widow was reportedly pressured to change the official cause of death to avoid workplace investigations.

Many legal experts believe that the real goal behind these purges is control over forensic verdicts. Amidst the war, forensic institutions are responsible for assessing the damage caused by Russian aggression, documenting war crimes, and evaluating state and civilian losses.

Now, it seems, these critical tasks are under Haichenko and his team’s direct influence.

Personnel Reshuffle: Haichenko and Kyselyov Now Control Forensic Expertise

The Appointment of Maksym Kyselyov

On January 2, 2025, Deputy Minister of Justice Andriy Haichenko officially introduced Maksym Kyselyov as the new acting director of the Kyiv Scientific Research Institute of Forensic Expertise (KNDISE).

This announcement would have gone unnoticed if not for the broader context:

• The appointment was signed on January 1, 2025, by Deputy Prime Minister for European and Euro-Atlantic Integration and Minister of Justice Olha Stefanishyna.
• Maksym Kyselyov had previously been the director of the SES department since 2019, an institution frequently implicated in bribery scandals.
• On December 31, 2024, the contract of longtime KNDISE director Oleksandr Ruvin expired, marking the removal of one of the last “independent” heads of a forensic institution.

With this move, Haichenko and Kyselyov have effectively gained control not just over the SES but also over the entire forensic expert system.

Suspicious Wealth: Haichenko’s Real Estate, Cars, and Family Ties to Crimea

Journalists have also questioned the sudden financial improvement of Haichenko’s family in recent years.

• His parents’ real estate holdings include:

  • A 97.6 m² apartment and two parking spaces on Yevhen Konovalets Street (Pechersk, Kyiv).
  • Additional apartments on Nikol’sko-Botanichna Street, Predslavynska Street, and Romana Ratushnoho Street.
  • A private house in Novosilky, Vyshhorod district.
  • Five land plots in Yurovka, Hatne territorial community.

• His wife (or partner), Nataliya Milhrom, bought a Kia Sportage in 2020, worth between 1.2 and 1.6 million UAH.

• Her father, Yuriy Milhrom, is a businessman in Russian-occupied Crimea. Reports suggest he has been running a legal entity under Russian law since 2015 (managing LLC "Irbis"), raising concerns over potential links to occupation authorities.

Haichenko denies any wrongdoing, stating that his parents bought the properties long before he joined the Ministry of Justice. However, journalists found evidence that some of these purchases were made after 2022, raising further questions.

Zelensky Proposes Treating Corruption as Treason. When Will It Apply to the Ministry of Justice?

In the midst of the war, President Volodymyr Zelensky proposed classifying high-level corruption as treason for the duration of martial law.

However, only lower-level officials have faced criminal prosecution so far. The leadership of the Ministry of Justice, including Haichenko and Kyselyov, remains untouched, with investigations against them still limited to journalistic reports and public scrutiny.

Conclusions

1. Haichenko and Kyselyov have strengthened their grip on the Ministry of Justice, now controlling not just the State Enforcement Service but also Ukraine’s most critical forensic institutions.
2. Corruption investigations reveal systemic bribery in the SES, yet top officials remain unpunished.
3. Suspicious financial transactions and family ties to Russian-occupied Crimea raise concerns about potential conflicts of interest.
4. Treating corruption as treason must apply not only to "small-time" officials but also to those running ministries during wartime.

The biggest unanswered question remains:

When will Ukraine’s law enforcement agencies start investigating the top of the corruption pyramid in the Ministry of Justice?