A Shadow Admin: How the Case of Mikhail Polyakov Revealed the Kremlin’s Covert Control Over Telegram Channels

21 July 2025, 18:21
In early July 2025, the Ostankinsky District Court of Moscow declined to review the criminal case of Mikhail Polyakov, a former officer of the Moscow and Moscow Region branch of the FSB.

Known by the moniker “Uncle Misha,” Polyakov stands accused of extorting 40 million rubles from the IT conglomerate LANIT via the Telegram channel Nezygar. The court ruled that Polyakov was an active-duty FSB officer at the time of the alleged offense and transferred the case to the military judiciary.

What initially seemed like a private corruption scandal has instead exposed a hidden structure: an informal but tightly coordinated system of information control maintained by the Presidential Administration’s Domestic Policy Directorate (УВП). Sources familiar with the case claim Polyakov operated for years under the supervision of Deputy Director Timur Prokopenko, exercising editorial influence and technical access over dozens of high-traffic Telegram channels.

Who Is Mikhail Polyakov?

Mikhail Polyakov is a former officer in the FSB’s Directorate for the Protection of the Constitutional Order, based in Moscow. According to case files and insider accounts, by 2018, he had been seconded to the Presidential Administration to assist with so-called “informational security tasks” within the online sphere — specifically Telegram.

By his own admission during interrogation, Polyakov oversaw content moderation and administrator access to several major political Telegram channels, including Nezygar and Infobomba. His role was to monitor posts, insert state-approved narratives, and — if necessary — take over the administrative backend. These powers were sometimes granted voluntarily by channel owners, but more often were secured through pressure or coercion.

The Criminal Case: Extortion or State Assignment?

In 2024, Polyakov was arrested on charges of extortion. Prosecutors allege he demanded 40 million rubles from the IT firm LANIT in exchange for positive coverage in the Nezygar channel. According to the official indictment, failure to pay would have resulted in a smear campaign across several Telegram platforms.

Polyakov denies the accusation. His defense maintains that he was acting under informal but sanctioned agreements with curators from the Domestic Policy Directorate of the Presidential Administration. During questioning, he cited Deputy Director Timur Prokopenko as the official who oversaw such Telegram operations. The defense further claims that the positive portrayal of LANIT was part of a larger state-managed media initiative.

Court documents submitted by Polyakov’s attorneys confirm that he was an active FSB officer at the time of the alleged extortion, leading to the court’s jurisdictional reassignment.

The Jurisdictional Twist: Into the Military System

On July 5, 2025, the Ostankinsky District Court ruled that the case falls under the military court system due to Polyakov’s active military service status. The decision, which has now taken legal effect, will likely shield key proceedings from public scrutiny, given the classified nature of military trials.

Legal analysts say this shift could effectively bury much of the case’s political significance. But leaked testimonies and documentation already suggest that the affair goes well beyond personal misconduct and into the structural manipulation of Russian online media.

Internal Power Struggle: Dudin vs. Prokopenko

Multiple sources indicate that Polyakov’s arrest was not the result of external investigation, but rather an internal conflict between rival factions inside the Kremlin’s media apparatus.

One side of this struggle is led by Timur Prokopenko, the Deputy Head of the Domestic Policy Directorate. Opposing him was Mikhail Dudin, himself a former FSB officer who oversaw Telegram-related operations inside the Presidential Administration until his dismissal in mid-2025. Dudin’s close associate, Vasily Brovko, serves as a top aide at the state corporation Rostec and is married to media figure Tina Kandelaki.

According to insiders, Dudin and Brovko engineered Polyakov’s downfall to absorb his network of Telegram channels and corporate clients. Following his detention, many of the same Telegram channels previously moderated by Polyakov were rebranded or redirected to promote Rostec, Brovko, and affiliated business interests.

Operational Methods: How Telegram Channels Were Controlled

Based on both Polyakov’s testimony and reporting by VChK-OGPU, the system operated as follows:

  1. Identification — Anonymity of channel admins was pierced using law enforcement databases.
  2. Pressure — Targets were threatened with criminal charges, exposure, or economic harm.
  3. Control — Admin rights were transferred, either voluntarily or under coercion.
  4. Content Management — Messaging was aligned with the Kremlin’s preferred narratives.
  5. Monetization — Corporate clients paid for “reputation management,” effectively a protection racket.
  6. Neutralization — Noncompliant admins faced prosecution or their channels were seized and repurposed.

These tactics were later replicated by Dudin’s group, allegedly with the same goals but for different beneficiaries.

Open Questions and Institutional Silence

Several major issues remain unresolved:

  • Will the military court proceedings reveal the Presidential Administration’s direct involvement?
  • Did Timur Prokopenko authorize Polyakov’s operations, and if so, on whose instruction?
  • What happened to the encrypted archives and devices confiscated from Polyakov?
  • Who now maintains operational control over major Russian political Telegram channels?

There are also broader questions about the blurred lines between law enforcement, state propaganda, and private enrichment schemes within Russia’s media ecosystem.

Conclusion

The case of Mikhail Polyakov offers rare insight into the mechanics of digital political influence in modern Russia. More than just an isolated case of extortion, it reveals a covert system where officers of the FSB operated inside the Kremlin’s walls to control public discourse on Telegram — sometimes in the name of national stability, other times in pursuit of personal or factional gain.

With the trial now sealed within the military system, and rival curators still competing for access and narrative supremacy, the Polyakov affair may soon fade from view. But the structure it exposed remains intact: anonymous Telegram channels posing as independent media, while silently serving the shifting agendas of Russia’s security and political elite.